雷达信号级仿真中的模型耦合问题研究

针对目标回波小尺度幅度起伏特性模型进行了介绍。对雷达线性接收机和对数接收机的特性和模型进行了对比。对雷达信号级仿真中,由于雷达采用非线性对数接收机造成的目标回波小尺度幅度起伏特性模型与接收机模型相互耦合的原因和所产生的影响进行了分析。提出对这样的模型耦合问题必须解决,以保证仿真研究结果的有效性。     

电视文化对青少年婚恋观的负面影响及对策

婚恋观是人生观的重要组成部分。青少年时期是人生观、价值观形成的关键时期。随着电视机的普及、收视率的提高,电视文化这种新的文化形态对青少年的发展及教育的影响日渐广泛,电视中一些不良信息对青少年婚恋观的形成具有潜移默化的影响。本文着重从电视文化的传播特点和传播内容两方面入手,分析电视文化对于青少年婚恋观的负面影响,并针对如何减少电视文化对青少年婚恋观的负面影响做了初步探讨。     

无人机位置欺骗诱导策略

针对"黑飞"无人机的有效管控及处置问题,提出基于卫星导航定位位置欺骗的无人机诱导策略。结合目标无人机的精确位置信息,利用生成式导航欺骗干扰技术向目标发射虚假的卫星导航定位信号,使目标无人机飞行控制系统得到错误的位置信息,改变飞行姿态,进而偏离预设运动轨迹。通过无人机诱导试验验证了所提策略的正确性和有效性。     

航天装备大数据资源平台构建技术研究

航天装备研制涉及论证、研制、生产、试验、综合保障等各个环节,所产生的数据具有种类多、数据量大、异构性强等特点,且数据资源分散于各科研机构院所,形成一个个数据孤岛,严重制约了型号数据的统一管理和协同应用。为了建立“逻辑统一、物理分散”的航天装备统一大数据中心,本文提出一种航天装备大数据资源平台构建技术,该平台基于统一的数据编目规范,综合利用云计算、微服务、区块链等技术,可实现多维异构数据深度融合管控,实现基于型号科研生产活动下的数据逻辑统一管理和实体分布式存储,能够解决航天装备整个研制活动全要素全过程的数据采集和可控共享的现实需求,为各业务场景下的数据分析奠定基础。     

自主式车载组合导航系统研究与仿真

考虑到车载组合导航系统运行时间长、地形环境复杂的特点,将零速修正技术与惯导/里程计/气压高度表组合导航系统相结合使用,采用序贯处理和平方根滤波算法,建立了实用的卡尔曼滤波模型。相比基本卡尔曼滤波算法,该方法实现简单,计算量小,抑制了滤波的发散,提高了滤波的精度。最后对组合导航系统进行仿真验证,取得了较为满意的结果。与INS/GPS组合导航系统相比,该系统具有良好的自主性及适应性。     

舰炮武器系统的总体配置方案及关键技术

针对舰炮武器系统在对岸射击中的不足之处,分析了舰炮武器系统对岸射击时对导航系统的需求,对基于导航定位系统的舰炮武器系统的总体配置设计方案和关键技术进行了探讨;给出了系统整体构架及系统工作原理,指出了关键技术如何实现。为舰炮武器系统的设计及提高舰炮武器系统的作战效能提供了理论参考。     

新经济环境下内部审计风险形成的主客观因素及防范

本文从客观和主观两个方面分析社会主义市场经济条件下,内部审计风险形成的原因,并尝试提出了相应的防范措施,即增强内部审计人员的风险意识、提高内部审计队伍的整体素质、采用内部审计的科学方法、加强内部审计的机构管理和完善内部审计的监控制度。     

NEGOTIATING NONPROLIFERATION: Scholarship,Pedagogy, and Nuclear Weapons Policy

In nuclear nonproliferation negotiations, many governments pursue multiple objectives, and changes in policy can occur rapidly—and often unexpectedly. For these reasons, understanding nonproliferation requires empathy and imagination rather than just historical fact. This article considers one teaching tool to encourage such insight—simulations—and demonstrates how teaching and scholarship can interact to improve our understanding of the complex decisions and negotiations involved in nuclear nonproliferation. The article consists of five parts: first, it explains the benefits of simulations as both a policy development tool in Washington and as a teaching tool in universities; second, it describes the pedagogical strategy of the Stanford University simulation program; third, it shows how the simulations have identified and highlighted theoretical and substantive insights that are often neglected in scholarly studies of nonproliferation; and fourth, it describes how students are tested to enhance the learning experience from the simulation. Fifth and finally, the article provides concluding observations about how using simulations in the classroom can help scholars develop insights that improve their understanding of real-world nuclear negotiation dynamics and outcomes.     

PREVENTING DIRTY BOMBS

Radioactive sealed sources have a long history and a much wider worldwide distribution than do weapons-usable fissile materials. This article compares the mechanisms for controlling radioactive sources with those of weapons-usable materials and makes the case for improved policy making on the safe and secure management of radioactive sources (often referred to simply as “sources”). Such sources have been widely distributed with commercial and government support to nearly every country, yet there are no legally binding, international agreements or regulations to control any aspect of their life cycle. This is problematic because some sources that are disused, abandoned, or otherwise fall out of regulatory control could be used in the form of a radiological dispersal device (RDD, or dirty bomb). An RDD could pose significant economic and psychological impacts with the potential for detrimental effects on public health. The lack of international measures to control sources is troubling for several reasons: creating an RDD is much easier than fashioning a nuclear weapon from scratch or from stolen fissile materials; given the many incidents involving diversion from regulatory control and the misuse of sources, an RDD attack would be one of the more likely scenarios; materials security for sources is generally weak and inconsistent; it is nearly impossible to determine the total amount of sources manufactured and distributed; used sources are frequently found uncontrolled and transiting borders, and penalties are light at best; the market-based supply and demand of sources facilitates their rapid and loosely regulated distribution; and the “peaceful uses” aspect of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons along with norms that began developing around the time of Atoms for Peace have promoted the nearly unchecked global distribution of sources. Several immediate and long-term actions are suggested to reduce the threat posed by radiological sources.     

From the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region-led negotiation to the Intervention Brigade

The eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been characterised by chaos and insecurity for a number of years, but the rise of the M23 rebellion in 2012 once again highlighted just how dire the humanitarian and security situation is. For most of 2012, the crisis was addressed through negotiations between M23 and Kinshasa, mediated by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). However, 2013 marked the signing of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework Agreement (PSC Framework), and the United Nations Security Council's adoption of Resolution 2098, which contains the mandate of the long-awaited Intervention Brigade (IB). The PSC Framework calls on Kinshasa to implement substantial political reforms while also urging the neighbours of the DRC to stop interfering in its internal affairs. The IB is mandated to carry out targeted operations against the so-called ‘negative forces’ that operate in the eastern DRC. For now, hope of resolving this ongoing crisis hinges on the continuing ICGLR negotiations, the implementation of the PSC Framework and the success of the IB. However, there are critical questions about all of these processes that need to be answered and understood, as the expectations for these processes – especially in the case of the IB – are extremely high. Will the ICGLR manage to negotiate a peace agreement and will the IB succeed, or will they go down in history as yet another failure to save the eastern DRC?